Tag Archives: history

America’s Strength Has Always Been Its Civil Society. Is It Still?

I spent the 2010-11 academic year in Hong Kong on a Fulbright Scholarship. While there, the U.S. Consulate in Guangzhou, China invited me to participate in a panel discussion to celebrate the anniversary of the United Nations Convention on Human Rights. Of course, a public event dealing with human rights could not be labeled such in mainland China, so the Consulate publicized the topic of the panel as “Fighting Discrimination.”

The panel included one other American Fulbright Scholar and two Chinese nationals. A woman discussed women’s rights in China while the other Chinese panelist described his work on labor rights. His talk was especially interesting. He left a lucrative legal position to start up a non-profit focused on defending the rights of migrant workers, a major issue in China. At one point, he was jailed after the authorities took offense at his work.

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When my turn came around, I began thusly: “The topic of today’s panel brings to mind the case of a towering defender of democracy and Nobel Prize winner who faced persecution and jail over his tireless work on behalf of freedom and justice.” At this point, the audience of around 30 Chinese individuals began nervously looking at one another, no doubt thinking “Is he really going to go there?” For a Chinese listener, my intro would be understood to refer to Liu Xiaobo, an imprisoned pro-democracy dissident who had recently been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. I later learned that the audience included four signers of Liu Xiaobo’s manifesto, Charter ‘08.

But puzzled expressions turned to smiles as I went on: “I refer, of course, to Martin Luther King Jr.” The audience appreciated my tacit acknowledgement that my own country, which so often preaches to others, has a dark history of its own. I touched on slavery and the treatment of native Americans as examples. But, I argued, the United States had been capable of overcoming unjust institutions and practices again and again by virtue of the strength of its civil society, combined with a Constitution that enshrined basic rights. I mentioned the abolitionist movement, the suffragettes, the labor movement, and the civil rights movement. In each case, the powerful resisted change but were forced to cede to the pressures exerted from below by ordinary people willing to take risks and make sacrifices in the pursuit of justice.

Many of those in attendance that day looked up to the United States, even as they understood its many faults. No doubt sentiment in China has shifted over the intervening years as relations between the U.S. and China have turned increasingly confrontational. But those in China who continue to admire the ideals they once associated with the United States – and there are many – have also become disillusioned by the authoritarian turn in our politics. Dark days are back again.

But we have been here before. Can we today summon the courage to defend the gains that prior generations fought to obtain? Will the civic traditions that underpin democracy once again triumph over the dark currents of American society? The answer matter not only to us and our children, but also to those abroad – in China and elsewhere – who have at times taken inspiration from what is best in America.

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The Resistance 2.0

Heady from Joe Biden’s triumph, I penned a piece for the Des Moines Register on November 22, 2020, arguing that “the Resistance worked.” In the face of Trump’s norm-breaking presidency, judges defended the rule of law, the media fearlessly reported on Trump’s transgressions, Congressional Democrats blocked some of his most damaging policies, public servants did their jobs, whistleblowers exposed wrongdoing, fact-checkers corrected lies, protesters took to the streets, donors funded Democratic campaigns, and voters removed Donald Trump from office after four years of turmoil and trouble. America’s democratic institutions survived one of the most serious tests of the past century

Alas, less than two months later, Donald Trump directed both an insurrection and a false elector scheme designed to deny Biden the White House. While these shocking moves failed, so did subsequent efforts to impeach Trump or to hold him accountable in court. Instead, Trump is back, and so too are the threats to our democracy.

This time, the dangers are far worse. Trump’s lesson from his first term’s failures is that no independent centers of power must go unchallenged.  

Trump is attacking universities, the media, elite law firms, and the Federal Reserve. Republicans are challenging the tax status of non-profits, withdrawing Federal grants, launching partisan investigations, robbing government agencies of congressionally mandated independence, weakening civil service protections, kneecapping media organizations, and mobilizing the anger of MAGA nation against perceived enemies.

In authoritarian fashion, Trump seeks to intimidate opponents, drain their funds, undermine their legal status, discredit critics, and dismantle the eco-system that supports the Democratic Party and the broader liberal and progressive movements.

Some steps are explicitly partisan. Republicans have forced the Democratic fundraising platform ActBlue to spend precious time and money defending itself against dubious Congressional and Justice Department investigations. Even if no legal action is taken, a wounded ActBlue could hamper the ability of Democrats to raise competitive war chests ahead of the 2026 midterm elections as the whiff of scandal scares off donors.

Trump has long sought to delegitimize the mainstream media, which he perceives to have a liberal bias. His efforts to limit the Associated Press’s White House access and to intimidate the corporate owners of CBS’s 60 Minutes aim to undermine media independence and make reporters and editors think twice about critical coverage.

Likewise, Trump is using the withholding of Federal grants, threats to the non-profit tax status of universities, Title IX investigations, impediments to the enrollment of international students, and legal attacks on accreditation bodies to undermine academic freedom and remold higher education in a MAGA image.

Trump is blackmailing elite law firms that represent his perceived enemies: hire conservative lawyers, drop liberal clients, and provide pro bono legal representation for Trump-approved groups, or else lose access to Federal agencies and courts. Trump has directed the Justice Department to bring legal sanctions against lawyers who sue him or his government. This misuse of state power threatens to dry up the pool of high-quality attorneys available to pursue the more than 150 (and counting) lawsuits brought against Trump’s illegal executive orders.

While lower courts have upheld challenges to many of Trump’s Executive Orders, it remains to be seen how far the Supreme Court will go to rein in our rogue president. The Justices have shown a reluctance to draw clear red lines in response to Trump’s lawless behavior, perhaps fearful that their orders will be ignored. The reality is that the judicial branch has limited tools for compelling a lawbreaking president to comply with its edicts, especially since the Supreme Court ruled that presidents have criminal immunity for official acts.

The real brake on an authoritarian president is political. The good news is that effective opposition to Trump 2.0 is emerging. Massive protests have been mounted. The stock and bond markets have punished Trump’s wacky tariff policies. Firms that rely upon imports are challenging the legally of Trump’s tariffs in court. Following the lead of Harvard University, which is suing the administration, higher education is mounting a defense of academic freedom. Four hundred college and university presidents issued a public letter denouncing government intrusion into higher education. The faculty senates at Big Ten universities have begun exploring mutual defense pacts. While some elite law firms quickly caved to Trump’s pressure tactics, others are taking him to court. Democrats and progressive non-profits have attracted a flood of donations. Small cracks have even begun to appear within the Republican Party and among Trump’s advisers.

Most importantly, the public is quickly souring on Trumpian chaos and cruelty. Trump’s approval rating is falling fast. Majorities disapprove of Trump’s handling of the economy, tariffs, inflation, immigration, and the Ukraine war. Voters are rejecting Trump’s threats to democracy. In a New York Times/Siena poll, 54% of respondents felt Trump was exceeding the power of the presidency. Overwhelming majorities insist that the president obey Supreme Court decisions.

Two-thirds described his first months as chaotic and 59% as scary. Only 44% expressed confidence that Trump “understands the problems facing people like you.”

Neither is Trump impervious to resistance. He pulled back on the most extreme tariffs and the threat to remove Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell after the stock and bond markets tanked. Trump rescinded orders to terminate international students in the face of skeptical judges. And he appears to be distancing himself from Elon Musk. Trump has a record of buckling when the political heat becomes too intense.

Trump’s initial whirlwind of pressure on major institutions has been destructive on a historic scale. Opposition has taken time to mobilize and has yet to fully recover from Trump’s early blows. But it is rapidly building now. As is clear from the Signal-gate scandal and Trump’s erratic tariff policies, the incompetence and incoherence of Trumpworld undercuts the president’s ability to sustain his MAGA revolution.

The Resistance worked once. Together, we can ensure that it works again. We can’t afford to fail.

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Jimmy Carter Exemplified the Role of President as Diplomat

Jimmy Carter | Biography & Facts | Britannica.com

The news of Jimmy Carter’s passing takes me back to 1976, a year that marked my own passage to adulthood. As the bicentennial year dawned, I took first notice of Carter upon his victory in the Iowa Caucuses. I followed his campaign through my high school graduation and into the summer, when I shuttled in my first car between my summer job at Walt Disney World near Orlando, Florida and New Smyrna Beach. I studied Carter’s campaign in my first college course on American politics that fall and proudly cast my first vote for Carter in November.

My enthusiasm for Carter was driven by many things – his comparative youth, his progressive brand of politics and his promise of honesty and integrity after the scandals of the Nixon years.

My interest in Carter endured. Enrolled in a Ph.D. program in political science a few years later, I proposed to write my dissertation on Carter’s foreign policy. Although my adviser initially gave thumbs down, he relented after I persisted in making my case that this was a worthy topic.

A one-term president who left office with low approval ratings, Carter’s presidential performance is often dismissed as a failure. The widespread admiration Carter gained over the years was associated with his post-presidency, which he devoted to fighting tropical disease, monitoring elections, promoting human rights and extolling the power of dialogue as a path to peace.

Yet as I argued in my book Reversing Course, Carter compiled an extraordinarily successful diplomatic record that was unjustly obscured by events, especially the Iranian revolution and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, over which Carter had little control.

With America’s global reputation in tatters following the Vietnam War and Watergate, Carter recognized the urgency of restoring a moral foundation for American foreign policy through the championing of human rights. He understood that a sense of moral purpose was not only essential to American leadership abroad but also necessary to gaining domestic support for an expansive U.S. role in the world.

Carter’s human rights policies also had significant practical consequences. Vocal U.S. support for human rights gave added legitimacy and weight to the growing human rights advocacy of non-governmental organizations and international organizations. Authoritarian governments came to realize that systemic human rights violations brought real costs. Arguably, the global diffusion of human rights norms contributed to the later fall of the Soviet-controlled communist bloc and to the spread of democracy in many countries around the world.

Even more impressively, Carter’s presidency illustrated the power of diplomacy.  Carter employed diplomacy as a tool for both resolving insipient conflicts before they spun out of control and, where escalation had already taken place, finding a path toward peace and reconciliation.

This approach paid major dividends. The SALT II arms control agreement with the Soviet Union capped a dangerous and costly nuclear arms race (while never ratified by the Senate, both countries abided by the terms of the accord). The Panama Canal Treaties removed potential threats to the Canal’s security, while eliminating a constant irritant in U.S. relations with Latin America. Diplomatic recognition of China set the stage for China’s growing integration with the existing global political and economic order.

The Camp David Accords removed Egypt and Jordan as military threats to Israel’s security while the transition to majority black-rule in Zimbabwe, brokered by the United States and Great Britain, brought an end to the bloody civil war there. The successful conclusion of the Tokyo Round trade negotiations sustained progress toward a more open global economy. It is difficult to think of another president who used diplomacy to better effect in serving major American interests.

Carter’s record was not unblemished. As domestic political opponents unfairly painted Carter’s emphases on human rights and diplomacy as evidence of weakness, Carter increasingly and unwisely sought opportunities to prove his toughness, with little effect.

A foreign policy that prioritizes diplomacy and broadly-shared values cannot solve all problems. Nevertheless, at a moment in which the American Century faces unprecedented challenges at home and abroad, we as a nation would do well to seek lessons from Carter’s presidential and post-presidential records.

I was fortunate to finally meet and shake hands with Jimmy Carter a number of years ago when he and Rosalynn Carter spoke at Drake University. As Carter has for so long served as both a political inspiration and a scholarly subject for me down through these many years, I will miss his presence in our national life.

This piece originally appeared in Iowa Capital Dispatch, December 30, 2024.

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